In an attempt to shelter my parents as much as possible I have released information relating to my case of police mistreatment in a gradual fashion, writing a large body of the material in the third person. My hope was that at some point witnesses might come forward and enable me to seek prosecution of the police officers that are mistreating me, but nothing of the sort materialised. This left me with no other choice than telling the full story. Now that everything has finally been published in bits and pieces, a coherent summary may perhaps be useful.
The immediate reason I was targeted by Norwegian police in February 2011 was my street photography in Oslo for an academic project on fashion history. Such photography is perfectly legal, but the police disliked it. Instead of telling me about their concerns, though, they initiated a police-stalking operation against me. The methods were conspicuous surveillance at day (unmarked police cars driving in circles around me wherever I went) and extensive sleep deprivation (unmarked police cars constantly revving their engines outside my apartment continuously through every night).
Fearing for my personal health and viewing the sleep deprivation operation by the Norwegian police as antithetical to basic human rights like the presumption of innocence, the principle of legality and habeas corpus, I quit the country in March 2011. However, Norwegian police pursued me to 9 other countries over the next three months, replicating the same illegal harassment protocol in the UK, the US, Canada, Qatar, Jordan, Italy, France and the Netherlands.
I arrived in the Netherlands in June 2011 and decided to stay since I have Dutch citizenship and should enjoy maximum civil rights protection there. However, the mistreatment persisted and even escalated in two significant ways. Firstly, my sexual minority orientation (sadomasochist) was used extensively by the police to recruit the local population in Noordwijk and Maasdam, both in Zuid Holland province, to harass me. The police’s flawed jurisprudence involves a general attempt at casting a sexual slur on my street photography, sometimes with further strictures on my sexuality involving allegations of fetishism towards objects in the pictures I took. Secondly, from June 2012, Dutch police began using unconventional electronic devices (probably a variant of directed energy weapons) to torture me at home, especially at night. The combination of these elements means the operation has reached a point where it can be adequately described as a crime against humanity.
I left the Netherlands in July 2012 hoping that other countries would at least reject the illegal electronic torture devices that Dutch police had used. However, when I travelled to Asia the Dutch were joined by Norwegian and other European police officers who continued to mistreat and torture me on a daily basis, including during my eight-month stay in New Zealand. I returned to Europe in April 2013 and am still being mistreated. In a particularly worrisome development, towards the end of my stay in New Zealand, the use of directed energy weapons was increased to life-threatening levels, and this has only got worse after I came back to Europe.
The Labour-led government of Norway has been informed about the case since 25 October 2011, but has failed to act. Indeed, it has continued to finance the illegalities of the police, including the despatch of Norwegian police officers overseas who have tortured me in Asia even after they themselves issued an official letter to the effect that they have no criminal case against me. Norway’s independent police commission dismissed my case after skimming through a note I wrote to them and did not even bother to check the license plates of the cars that harassed me for a full month in Oslo in 2011, or the alibis of a dozen of specific, individual Norwegian police officers who have harassed me in various parts of the world during the course of 2011.
Beyond the mass violation of my most basic human rights under the EU and UN charters, the case highlights the massive failure of the national security policy of the Labour-led Norwegian government. Through their support of illegal police methods they enabled the emergence of the organised crime unit of the Oslo police as a renegade terrorist gang that roams the streets of Oslo with impunity and destroys the lives of hundreds of individuals without ever resorting to due process in their misguided law enforcement efforts – the only things they are in fact enforcing are their own, sick judicial fantasies. It was this culture that enabled the intelligence failure that led to the 22 July terror attacks in Norway. It was the same culture that led to the strange situation where the Oslo police harass sexual minorities, bikers and prostitutes with impunity whereas the secret police – which unlike the ordinary police was subject to a devastating independent commission investigation in the 1990s – hardly dare to keep tabs on potential terror suspects, including known al-Qaida affiliates, due to privacy concerns.
Some readers who are familiar with my writing on the politics of Iraq have suggested that the case against me is of a political nature. I personally believe it has to do with bureaucratic stupidity and the insatiable appetite for “international cooperation” among police officers who just can’t seem to get enough good excuses for getting away from boring policing on the beat. Whatever the reason, the outcome is that I will be writing about rule of law breaches in Norway and other Western countries, rather than in Iraq, as long as my ordeal continues.
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